One of the cardinal principles of politics is that one must continue to engage with all, and particularly those, who oppose you the most. Thus, political parties should be forever ready to engage and charm the communities that have opposed them the most in the past. The Samajwadi Party (SP)'s recent announcement to build a 108- foot statue of Lord Parashuram, a Brahmin icon, is an approach based on the same principle. Brahmins have mostly remained aloof from the party. Humbled in the 2017 Uttar Pradesh assembly elections and the 2019 parliamentary polls, SP president Akhilesh Yadav is looking for new experiments in social engineering. If Brahmins, comprising 12-14 per cent of the populace in the state, flock to the SP, it could change the party's fortunes.
Meanwhile, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati, who had managed Brahmin support in 2007, hurriedly tweeted that she will install a statue bigger than the SP’s on coming to power.
The third opposition party in the state – Congress – is already working overtime to woo back the Brahmins who traditionally voted for it till the early 1990s. Recently former Congress union minister Jitin Prasada launched Brahmin Chetna Samvad to consolidate the disgruntled community under one umbrella (read Congress) after a recent spate of killings of Brahmins across the state.
It's clear that the race for the 2022 assembly elections has begun in UP. And Brahmins are the prize catch.
The attempt to woo the Brahmins by the SP and BSP away from the BJP is symbolic of the full circle these parties had traversed since their inception. Supported by Dalits and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) that have traditionally been exploited by the upper castes and primarily Brahmins, and rising to power on the promise to shatter the Brahmin economic and social supremacy, the parties today are devising plans to entice the very same exploiters.
Quite amazing, one may think. Not so, if you consider that Dalits and OBCs are today voting for the BJP. Perhaps encouraged by the reports that Brahmins in the state are angry with chief minister Yogi Adityanath, a Rajput; it is but common sense to pouch the so called distressed community. But, the million-dollar question is, how does one bait it? Especially when the caste you are talking about is Brahmin – educated, clever, with extreme political awareness that understand their interest better than anyone could ever tell them. Unlike Dalits or OBCs who can be easily influenced, a Brahmin knows his politics. It is not easy to trick him. But at the same time, it is not impossible.
Firstly, let us examine whether the Brahmin is really angry with the present dispensation – the BJP. I have serious doubts. At best, some section of the community could be angry with CM Yogi Adityanath, not the party.
Primarily, the BJP follows the RSS agenda of Hindutva and nationalism, pro-upper caste policies and anti-Muslim and anti-OBC strategies. This aligns with the Brahmin interest and aspirations.
Remember, the Narendra Modi government has given 10 per cent reservation in the central government services to the economically weaker sections without any demand or protest by these castes.
The RSS Sarsanghchalak has always been a Brahmin (except once) and sets the codes to be followed by the party. So, basically there is no reason for the Brahmin to feel anguished or dismayed with the machine that is oiled and operated for his use. Of course, having a Brahmin chief minister would have been the icing on the cake. But if he is not, the sky is not falling. The section of the community that might be angry for some personal reasons can be pacified when the suitable time comes. In such a scenario, snapping Brahmins away from BJP isn’t a walk in the park.
Yet, efforts should be made by the opposition parties to claim a share in the pie. How? It could only happen if the SP or BSP promises them something more tangible than what the BJP is offering.
Some economic incentives could be announced, or reservation within the reservation or scholarship/pensions to the poor Brahmins. But this something more could clash with the agenda of their own party and interest of the present cadre. The collusion between the core voters of these parties and Brahmins – the face of their exploitation – could boomerang. One will have to tread a very narrow path here.
With the death of socialist leader Janeshwar Mishra and the BJP’s Kalraj Mishra residing in the governor’s house in Rajasthan, UP needs a Brahmin leader to fill the vacuum. While the BSP already has a Brahmin face in Satish Chandra Mishra, the Samajwadi party is at disadvantage here.
Today, there is no known pan-UP Brahmin leader in the party like Muslims have Azam Khan, Thakurs had Amar Singh, Kurmis had Beni Prasad Verma, etc. No doubt Abhishek Mishra and Manoj Pandey are Brahmins, but they are yet to gain the stature that could attract the community.
To draw Brahmins, the community would need one of their own who could hold on to his own in Akhilesh Yadav’s court; a face before which Brahmins could air their grievances and could get a sympathetic pat on the back. And since the SP does not have one, Akhilesh Yadav would have to create a Brahmin leader of such a stature and importance.
Sometimes elections become battles of perceptions. The existing perception is that upper castes like Brahmins and Rajputs have no respect or future in the SP or BSP. This perception needs to change. And the sooner it changes, the better for them, if they aspire for Brahmin votes. But perceptions do not change overnight. It will take Herculean efforts and prodigious brains to change it along with the support of vernacular newspapers, national media, social media, etc. Standing with the Brahmin cause, voicing concern about their economic status, putting them in positions of power and respect in the party organisation could go a long way in changing the anti-upper caste perception about these parties. However, unless this perception changes, Brahmins will not consider them as an option.
The politics of symbolism – building statues, declaring holidays, etc, can only be used as top-up to first rectifying the realities on the ground. Unless things change at the grassroots, nothing else will work. Besides, these have to be followed by ample tickets for Brahmins when the time comes. Ticket distribution is the biggest headache for any party, especially so in the caste cauldron of Uttar Pradesh where aspirations of thousands of castes have to be kept in mind. The Brahmin community would also demand a thick share of tickets, and rightly so, based on their number. The party which balances this act of pleasing the Brahmins along with their core cadre and traditional voter can reap the benefits. But, it is a formidable task and not many in the past have successfully managed this tightrope walk.
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